Area of particular concern is Wazir Akbar Khan, a district that hosts embassies, residences of diplomats and UN staff
Taliban security personnel stand guard near the Torkham border crossing between Afghanistan and Pakistan in the Nangarhar province on February 27, 2026. Pakistan bombed major cities in Afghanistan including the capital Kabul on February 27. PHOTO: AFP
Recent reports emerging from Kabul indicate that the Afghan Taliban may be adopting a tactic reminiscent of those used during their 1990s insurgency: positioning themselves or allied militants in areas considered too sensitive for opponents to strike, according to the Associated Press of Pakistan.
Security officials and regional analysts say high-ranking figures from globally proscribed militant organisations are allegedly being sheltered by the Taliban within Kabul’s tightly guarded diplomatic quarter, particularly in the Wazir Akbar Khan neighbourhood of the Green Zone.
Critics view this as a deliberate attempt to shield militant leaders from potential targeted operations by Pakistan or other neighbouring states.
The strategy echoes patterns seen during the Afghan civil war. In September 1995, Taliban fighters reportedly used the “German Club” — an international facility in Kabul — as overnight accommodation, knowing rival Afghan factions would avoid attacking the site due to the presence of foreign personnel.
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Observers say the current situation appears to mirror that earlier tactic: positioning key militant figures in areas where military action could risk diplomatic fallout or civilian harm.
According to intelligence-based claims circulating in regional media and security circles, several individuals linked to Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other militant networks are believed to be operating from locations within or near Kabul’s diplomatic enclave. Among those reportedly present are TTP leader Noor Wali Mehsud, militant commander Hafiz Gul Bahadur, Baloch militant figure Bashir Zeb, as well as militants originating from Central Asian states.
The area of particular concern is Wazir Akbar Khan, a district that hosts embassies, international organisations and residences of diplomats and United Nations staff. The presence of militant figures in such a location would complicate any attempt by foreign governments to conduct targeted operations against them.
A prominent Pakistani journalist has also publicly referred to similar claims, stating that international organisations and diplomatic personnel working in Kabul have privately raised concerns with Taliban authorities about the presence of armed militants near diplomatic compounds..
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According to the journalist, some UN personnel and international NGO staff have expressed security concerns and may consider relocating if the situation deteriorates further. The Afghan Taliban leadership has repeatedly denied that members of TTP operating in Afghanistan should be regarded as terrorists.
In a recent interview, Mullah Mohammad Yaqoob, Afghanistan’s acting defence minister and son of the late Taliban founder Mullah Omar, described TTP members as “refugees” rather than militants. “Who can explain to Pakistan that your terrorist is not our terrorist?” Yaqoob remarked, suggesting that the Taliban government does not share Islamabad’s designation of the group.
However, TTP is widely recognised internationally as a terrorist organisation. The United Nations Security Council, the United States and several other governments have designated the group as responsible for numerous attacks in Pakistan, including suicide bombings and assaults targeting civilians, security forces and educational institutions.
Yaqoob’s remarks effectively acknowledged that TTP members are present in Afghanistan, although he framed their presence as that of displaced individuals rather than organised militants.
Analysts have noted parallels between the Taliban’s current stance and the position adopted by the group prior to the United States-led intervention in Afghanistan in 2001.
Following the September 11 attacks, the international community demanded that the Taliban hand over Osama bin Laden, the leader of al-Qaeda accused of orchestrating the attacks. Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar — father of Mullah Yaqoob — refused, describing bin Laden as a “guest” protected under Afghan traditions of hospitality.
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At the time, the Taliban government maintained that bin Laden had taken refuge in Afghanistan and would not be surrendered to the United States without evidence being presented in an Islamic court. The refusal ultimately led to the US-led military intervention in October 2001.
Under the banner of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), a coalition of more than 50 countries participated in the campaign against al-Qaeda and Taliban forces.
Nearly a quarter of a century later, critics argue that similar reasoning is again being used by the Taliban leadership to justify the presence of militant groups inside Afghanistan.
Multiple international reports indicate that Afghanistan continues to host a wide range of militant organisations with regional and global agendas.
According to the United Nations Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team, more than 20 militant groups are believed to be operating in Afghanistan, maintaining training facilities, logistical networks and safe havens across different provinces.
Groups frequently cited in UN and Western intelligence assessments include al-Qaeda, TTP, Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISIS-K), the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement — also known as the Turkistan Islamic Party — Katibat Imam al-Bukhari, the Islamic Jihad Group and Jamaat Ansarullah, a Tajik militant organisation.
Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Russia and China have also called on the Afghan Taliban to eliminate militant groups that they view as threats to Central Asia, China, Russia and Pakistan.
However, the Taliban have consistently denied hosting terrorists, arguing that some members of banned organisations have taken refuge in Afghanistan after being outlawed in their home countries, including China, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Russia and Pakistan.
The UN Security Council Monitoring Team’s 2023–2024 report noted that al-Qaeda continues to maintain ties with the Taliban and operates training facilities in several Afghan provinces. The report also stated that foreign fighters from Central Asia, the Middle East and South Asia remain active in the country.
Similarly, assessments by the US Department of Defence and the US intelligence community have warned that Afghanistan risks becoming a safe haven for transnational militant groups.
A 2023 US congressional report stated that while ISIS-K remains the most visible external threat, al-Qaeda affiliates and other regional jihadist organisations continue to maintain networks across Afghanistan.
According to the US Treasury Department, al-Qaeda leaders have been able to operate within Afghanistan under Taliban protection, maintaining communication networks and facilitating recruitment and training.
Security analysts warn that the presence of multiple militant organisations in Afghanistan could pose a wider regional threat extending beyond Pakistan.
Central Asian governments have also expressed concern about militant groups composed of Uzbek, Tajik and Uyghur fighters operating within Afghanistan. Russia, China and several Central Asian states have repeatedly raised the issue in international forums.
Observers say the situation presents a complex challenge for the international community.
Unlike the period following the 9/11 attacks, when a large multinational military coalition operated in Afghanistan, there is currently no unified global military presence in the country.
As a result, regional actors — particularly Pakistan — have increasingly found themselves on the frontline in confronting militant groups that operate across porous borders.
Analysts argue that enhanced counter-terrorism cooperation and international engagement will be essential in preventing Afghanistan from once again becoming a hub for transnational militancy.
